Improving Democracy
t’s amazing how our
democracy is universally praised and revered, yet our democratic government is distrusted and
maligned. Cynicism towards elected officials is epidemic, and understandable. Neither
campaign finance reform, presidential line-item vetoes nor term limits were strong
enough medicine. We need to do more to restore our citizens’ trust in
government. Here are some additional ideas.
If this is “a government of the people,” then shouldn’t only people—breathing
humans—be able to influence it? Why should a company, a labor union, church
group or any self-serving organization be allowed to spend money on candidates or
lobbyists? We need a constitutional amendment that says something like “…only
eligible voters, and organizations whose only purpose is to represent eligible voters,
shall contribute anything, directly or indirectly, for or against the election of
a candidate or cause, or for or against any legislation.” In other words,
if Bill Gates wants to lobby Congress, fine, but it must be with his money on his
time. If the NRA or NOW wants to donate campaign funds, okay, but it must stop
all other services for its members.
|
Supreme
Court Justices are appointed for life. As a result some presidents
appoint no justices while others appoint several. Such an erratic system not
only causes angst among those not in power, but also balloons the influence of some
presidents. It would be more sensible if every presidential term came with the
power to appoint one justice to replace the most senior court member. With one
of nine justices appointed every four years, the maximum stay would be 36 years, certainly
long enough. Additional justices could be appointed because of death or retirement.
The U. S. Congress has a well-earned reputation of legislative hanky-panky.
They not only hide things in “omnibus bills” but also pollute bills with
obscure amendments, pork barreling, and non-germane language. Such schemes are
a boon for lawyers and a bane for everyone else. In Michigan, the
State Constitution
effectively constrains the legislature on how laws may be written (see note below).
Putting the same constraints on how Congress introduces and amends bills is long overdue.
| |
Tisdale's original Gerrymander
Boston Gazette, March 26, 1812 |
Every ten years, in the various states, the party in power controls how the legislature is
to be reapportioned. Usually it does to its advantage by employing geographical geniuses
to optimize the redistricting in their favor—often producing districts that look like
Tisdale’s original Gerrymander drawing.
Why not allow any group to submit an apportionment plan that abides by population rules; then mandate
that the plan with fewest total boundary angles and curves (excluding natural features like rivers) must
be accepted? That law itself would cause partisan experts to produce simpler reapportionment plans.
Some elected officials don’t mind giving themselves a raise while others are
embarrassed by it. Unfortunately the public, though railing against such raises,
rarely remembers them come election time. We need a constitutional amendment
saying: “An elected official shall receive compensation and benefits no
greater than that in effect when the person took office for that term.”
In other words, raises while in office apply to the next occupant.
Surely these ideas could be refined and perfected. The point is these kinds
of ideas will not only improve government, but maybe even stem the cynicism growing
among eligible voters. However, my own cynicism tells me that maybe we are no
longer “a government of the people.”
Note: Article IV of the Constitution of the State of Michigan—Sec. 24.
No law shall embrace more than one object, which shall be expressed in its title.
No bill shall be altered or amended on its passage through either house so as to change
its original purpose as determined by its total content and not alone by its title.
Sec. 25. No law shall be revised, altered or amended by reference to its title
only. The section or sections of the act altered or amended shall be re-enacted
and published at length. Sec. 26. No bill shall be passed or become a
law at any regular session of the legislature until it has been printed or reproduced
and in the possession of each house for at least five days. Every bill shall
be read three times in each house before the final passage thereof. No bill
shall become a law without the concurrence of a majority of the members elected to
and serving in each house. On the final passage of bills, the votes and names
of the members voting thereon shall be entered in the journal.
|